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Message  ndonzwau le 30/11/2016, 4:16 am

" Un état criminel.
Comprendre et lutter contre la corruption institutionnalisée et la violence en RDCongo

Sasha Lezhnev – Octobre 2016
Deuxième volet de la série d’Enough Project sur les kleptocraties violentes en Afrique de l’Est et Afrique centrale

° https://www.yumpu.com/fr/document/view/56185132/un-etat-criminel


# Si haut que l'on soit placé, on n'est jamais assis que sur son cul #
# Que faisait Dieu avant la création ? De toute éternité, il préparait d'épouvantables supplices pour celui qui poserait cette question. #

Revenir en haut Aller en bas


Message  ndonzwau le 17/12/2016, 1:21 am

 [url=https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Congo%E2%80%99s president has built a business empire. Is that why he won%E2%80%99t step][/url]

Boys mine for copper in a pit about 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) outside Lubumbashi, Democratic Republic of Congo. 
Photographer: Per-Anders Pettersson/Getty Images

With His Family’s Fortune at Stake, President Kabila Digs In
Joseph Kabila and his relatives have built a network of businesses that reaches into every corner of Congo’s economy. Is that why he won’t step down?

by Michael Kavanagh, Thomas Wilson, and Franz Wild
 15 décembre 2016 à 06:01 UTC+1

° https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2016-12-15/with-his-family-fortune-at-stake-congo-president-kabila-digs-in

In his only public speech this year, Joseph Kabila, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, was defiant about his refusal to hand over power when his final term ends on Dec. 19. “I cannot allow the republic to be taken hostage by a fringe of the political class,” he told parliament last month as members cheered.
His presidency had brought peace and economic growth to Congo, the 45-year-old said, outlining reforms he’d made in telecommunications, mining, energy and banking. What he didn’t say is how some of his own family members are among the biggest beneficiaries of those changes—including his sister Jaynet and brother Zoe, who both listened from the front row as elected members of parliament. 
Together the Kabilas have built a network of businesses that reaches into every corner of Congo’s economy and has brought hundreds of millions of dollars to the family, a Bloomberg News investigation has found. The sprawling network may help explain why the president is ignoring pleas by the U.S., the European Union and a majority of the Congolese people to hand over power next week, though his advisers dispute this.

Kabila at parliament for his only public speech of the year on Nov. 15, 2016, in Kinshasa.
Photographer: Junior D. Kannah/AFP via Getty Images

Kabila’s refusal to step down threatens to thrust his country back into the kind of chaos that cost millions of lives after his father took power nearly two decades ago. It could also destroy the tenuous stability that attracted international investment—mainly from mining giants like Freeport-McMoRan Inc. and Glencore Plc—and turned Congo into Africa’s biggest producer of copper, tin and cobalt
In February, S&P Global Ratings lowered Congo’s investment outlook to negative amid rising political tensions. It affirmed that view in August. The last civil war destroyed the country’s copper industry, cutting production more than 96 percent by the time the conflict ended in 2003.

Since then, foreign investment has helped generate more than 100,000 jobs in mining and oil alone, tripled the size of the economy—and allowed the family’s empire to flourish. Over that period, Kabila and his siblings have assembled an international business network stretching across at least 70 companies, according to a Bloomberg News analysis of thousands of company documents and court filings as well as dozens of interviews with bankers, businessmen, miners, farmers and former government officials.
While Congolese law doesn’t prohibit politicians or their families from having business interests, the scope of that empire has only recently become visible, in publicly available corporate and government records that Congolese regulators have computerized and made searchable in just the past few years. Bloomberg News, with support from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, traced the Kabilas’ interests by amassing an archive of hundreds of thousands of pages of corporate documents that shows his wife, two children and eight of his siblings control more than 120 permits to dig gold, diamonds, copper, cobalt and other minerals. 

Two of the family’s businesses alone own diamond permits that stretch more than 450 miles across Congo’s southwestern border with Angola. Family members also have stakes in banks, farms, fuel distributors, airline operators, a road builder, hotels, a pharmaceutical supplier, travel agencies, boutiques and nightclubs. Another venture even tried to launch a rat into space on a rocket. 

In Congo’s largely informal, cash-based economy where the family stakes are almost all in privately held companies, the exact value of the businesses isn’t known. The few figures available in publicly accessible documents show investments worth more than $30 million in just two companies. Estimated revenue for another company exceeds $350 million over four years—in a country where World Bank data show that nearly two-thirds of the 77 million people live on less than $1.90 per day. 
While some of the businesses are owned directly, the family also has dozens of joint ventures and shell corporations through which it holds stakes to varying degrees in all manner of industries. That creates a system so pervasive that even seemingly innocuous payments—such as rent paid by the UN for a police station—end up finding their way to the Kabila family, an analysis of the network shows. It can be a ham-handed operation: Perhaps in its eagerness to tap the country’s resource wealth, the family has sometimes driven away outside investment that would have made some of its members even more money.

Government spokesman Lambert Mende said he couldn’t comment on issues concerning the president's family, which he considered a private matter. When asked how Bloomberg News could direct questions to Kabila, he said the president does not talk to Western media. Theodore Mugalu, who handles the family’s personal affairs, didn't respond to a series of phone calls and text messages requesting comment. 
Kabila’s second term as president ends on Dec. 19, and the constitution bars him from running again. But the country’s electoral commission has delayed elections until at least April 2018, and a constitutional court that Kabila created last year has ruled he should stay on until a vote is held.

Publicly, Kabila says the delay has nothing to do with him and that an election will be called once voter-registration rolls are complete. Privately, he tells associates he’s staying put, says Francis Kalombo, one of his closest allies until he broke ranks last year. “He’s not going to do all that he’s doing, make all this effort, for one more year,” Kalombo said. “For him, it’s for life.”
Kabila’s chief diplomatic adviser, Barnabe Kikaya Bin Karubi, called the accusation false. “To say that he wants to stay in power because he wants to protect all these business deals, I think, is not proper,” Kikaya said in an interview in Paris. “He has said time and again what he wants to leave as a legacy to the Congo: a democratic process.”
Kikaya, who said he couldn’t comment on behalf of the president about his family’s affairs, nevertheless defended their right to conduct business. “The Congo is their country—they have to live, they have to have an income,” he said. “Whether their position as the first family makes things easy for them I think is normal. It’s normal, provided no laws are broken.
For most Congolese, the economy isn’t booming anymore. The government has had to revise down its growth forecast three times this year due to weak commodity prices. It’s now at 4.3 percent from an initial goal of 9 percent in the 2016 budget. 

Flares launched by police forces during a demonstration in Goma on Sept. 19, 2016. More than 40 people were killed in the Democratic Republic of Congo when clashes erupted ahead of a planned opposition rally.
Photographer: Mustafa Mulopwe/AFP via Getty Images

In September, Kabila’s security forces shot, hacked and burned pro-democracy protesters in Kinshasa, the capital, killing more than 40, a UN investigation into the events found. They poured gasoline onto the headquarters of the main opposition party, set it alight and threw fleeing civilians into the flames, the UN said.
On Dec. 12, the U.S. sanctioned Congo’s interior minister and its national intelligence agency administrator, saying that the Congolese government was undermining democratic processes and putting the long-term stability and prosperity of the country at risk. On the same day, the European Union imposed sanctions on seven police and military officials for their role in September’s violence and for “allegedly trying to obstruct a peaceful and consensual solution to the crisis in the DRC.”

Further violence and unrest could spill over Congo’s nine borders, drawing in neighboring countries as it did in wars between 1996 and 2003. And it would squander the $40 billion that international donors, led by the U.S., have spent in Congo in the last 16 years, mostly on a UN mission, humanitarian and development assistance, and debt relief. 
“We’re heading for a big, slow-motion crisis,” said Jean-Marie Guehenno, head of the International Crisis Group think tank, who knows Kabila from his eight years as the UN’s head of peacekeeping. “Why is he refusing to go? For the sake of power? To protect the family business? Probably a bit of both.”

Joseph Kabila grew up with his siblings in exile in Tanzania, the children of Laurent-Desire Kabila. Their childhood was modest but full of intrigue, as their heavyset, charismatic rebel father moved from country to country using fake passports and trying to gin up support for his fight against the U.S.-backed dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.
Laurent-Desire fathered at least 25 children with seven different women, according to a biography published by Belgian researcher Erik Kennes in 2003. Joseph, Jaynet and younger sister Sissy were born in Congo; Zoe, sisters Cecylia and Josephine in Tanzania; and younger brother Masengo and sister Gloria in Uganda, according to their declarations in corporate filings. Another brother, Francis Selemani Mtwale, was adopted as a child.

After their father became president in 1997 by overthrowing Mobutu with the help of a coalition of African governments, he immediately set about making money for his government—and for family and friends, according to Kennes’s biography. 
The places he’d fought in the bush as a young rebel became the names of commercial interests. Hewa Bora, the rebel base where his twins Jaynet and Joseph were born, became an airline, a fuel station, a farm and a mining site. Wimbi Dira, another rear base, gave its name to a second airline. 
But Laurent-Desire’s shakeup of the old economic and political order made enemies, and in 2001 he was assassinated by his own bodyguard. Within weeks, Joseph, Congo’s army chief at the time, was chosen as his successor. He was only 29.

A Republican Guard soldier patrols the streets of Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo.
Photographer: Junior D. Kannah/AFP via Getty Images

Since then, the Kabila family’s businesses have grown with Congo’s developing economy.  And they now enjoy a perk of presidential power: the protection of the Republican Guard, an elite army unit that is supposed to protect Kabila himself. In July 2015, guard members accompanied his wife, Olive, after she had bought a cattle farm in the grassy hills of North Kivu. According to three laborers who were displaced, she demanded they remove their makeshift homes or watch soldiers destroy them. Olive didn’t respond to multiple phone calls and text messages sent to her assistant.
Many of the companies are run by Jaynet, Joseph Kabila’s twin sister. After their father’s death, documents show, she set up companies across Congo, as well as in the U.S., Panama, Tanzania and on the South Pacific island of Niue. Company filings show she is or has been a shareholder or director in at least 28 companies. In some, she controlled a majority of shares while in others she held minority stakes, the filings show. It’s unclear how many of those companies are still active.

The lack of transparency in some of the family’s dealings has hurt Congo’s economy. In 2012, the International Monetary Fund cut its half-billion dollar loan program with Congo after the government declined to publish contracts related to a 2011 deal for a copper mine known as Comide. One of the companies involved in the deal, Goma Mining, was at least 10 percent owned by the family and chaired by Kabila’s sister, Josephine, according to court records from 2013.
The family’s involvement in mining—diamonds, cobalt and copper—comes in part through a company called Acacia, which was majority-owned by Jaynet; younger brother Masengo; Joseph Kabila’s 16-year-old daughter, Sifa; and his financial assistant, Emmanuel Adrupiako, based on corporate records from September 2014. 
In the remote southern town of Tembo, people haven’t heard of Acacia or another family-controlled company called Kwango Mines that together hold 96 mining permits. But they seem to know who controls the diamonds in the river. “All the documents for this project are now in the hands of Jaynet Kabila, the twin sister,” said diamond trader Jauvin Manzaza, pointing to the wide Kwango River that tracks the border with Angola.

Kabila-controlled companies first arrived here in 1998, Manzaza said, armed with tractors and machinery to dig for diamonds 15 miles south of the town. In 2003, a company controlled by Selemani and Kabila’s younger brothers Zoe and Masengo sold more than $12 million of gems, export data show. Diamonds accounted for three-quarters of Congo’s export revenue that year, which also marked the end of the country’s civil war, attracting international diamond companies.
Once there, those firms found they had no choice but to negotiate with the Kabila clan, said Mike De Wit, head of exploration in Congo from 2003 to 2007 for the world’s largest diamond producer, De Beers. In 2006, De Beers signed an agreement to explore with permits belonging to a company controlled by Olive Lembe, a few months before she married the new president, De Wit said. That company is now called Olive Sifa Laurent, or Osifal for short, named after its shareholders: Olive, the couple’s daughter, Sifa, and 8-year-old son, Laurent-Desire. 

Incorporation documents for a company known as Osifal, owned by Kabila's wife and their two children. It has had interests from fuel to mining. Click to enlarge

“When Kabila came to power, he looked like an honest guy and business was actually doable, so that’s why De Beers went into there,” De Wit said in an interview. “With time, it became obvious that that wasn’t the case.“
De Beers confirmed the arrangement with Osifal in an e-mail, adding that it was terminated in 2008 because “there was no potential.” De Beers left Congo entirely in 2009 after it “concluded that the business operating environment was not one in which De Beers would be comfortable to operate in.”
Later, as the head of exploration for Toronto-listed Delrand Resources Ltd. (then known as BRC Diamond Core), De Wit had to negotiate with the family again. BRC had an option to pay approximately $350,000 for 55 percent of the rights to develop six Acacia licenses along the Kwango River and farther west. Then, according to De Wit, Jaynet decided to renegotiate.
“In one meeting they said, ‘Maybe we want $2 million’ and in the following meeting said, ‘Well, actually it’s worth $10 million,’ ” De Wit said of the negotiations.

Jaynet made it clear that she set the rules in Congo and wanted a contract where she was earning “big dollars,” De Wit recalled. “It was never enough,” he said. Delrand walked away from the agreement in 2014, recording a $3.1 million loss over the project.
Jaynet didn’t respond to multiple telephone calls and text messages requesting a response. Delrand Chief Executive Arnold Kondrat didn’t reply to voicemail messages requesting comment. 
Adrupriako, Kabila’s financial assistant, said in a telephone interview that Acacia couldn’t agree with Delrand over the ownership of the mining venture, and the project was abandoned. He said he hasn’t been involved with Acacia since 2005.
Today near Tembo, hulking machinery rusts in the tropical heat. Without major mining company investment, artisanal miners instead dig in the riverbed in search of diamonds.
“We stopped working the concession but we still control it,” said Major Freddy Kakudji, the ranking officer in the small group of Republican Guard soldiers left behind to patrol the river.

Men dive for diamonds in the Kwango River, south of Tembo, Democratic Republic of Congo, on Oct. 29, 2016.
Photographer: Thomas Wilson

Thirty miles to the south, men in restitched wetsuits dive for diamonds off the edge of a flotilla of 20 multicolored dinghies, scraping gravel from the riverbed. When Republican Guard soldiers come by, the divers hand over buckets of potentially gem-filled gravel as an informal tax. 
It’s unclear how much revenue diamonds generate for Kabila family businesses today. Congo’s diamond production has halved since 2005, overtaken by copper, cobalt and gold. 
Acacia turned its attention some 500 miles southeast of Tembo in 2010, when the prices of copper and cobalt, now Congo’s biggest exports, surged. The region, known as Katanga, is bursting with copper and other metals. Hundreds of thousands of men, desperate for work, use spades, picks and hammers to scrape ore out of the bottom of tunnels that at times descend more than 130 feet below ground.

Near the town of Luisha, about 4,500 diggers work an area of six mines that officially belong to state-owned miner Gecamines. Teams of four diggers each produce an average of about half a ton of copper and cobalt ore per day, according to a 2014 World Bank-funded report. 
Three of the mines are run by Acacia, the 2014 report said, even though Gecamines has never announced any partnership with the company. Soldiers on the sites force diggers to sell their minerals only to Acacia at below-market prices, according to the report, which was written by French consulting firm Sofreco for a World Bank program on improving governance in Congo’s mining sector. A Gecamines spokesman declined to comment for this story.

Inside a one-room, concrete tavern near one of the sites, two skinny diggers drank Kung Fu energy drinks and talked about the mines where they say they’ve worked for the presidential family under the supervision of Republican Guard soldiers. They asked that their full names not be used, for fear of retribution.
“Kansonga, Kateketa, Kanshinshi, Lupoto, Wisky,” said William, 37, recalling the names of mine sites. He snapped his fingers at the last name. “It was so dangerous there.”
At Wisky alone, more than 100 diggers died in cave-ins during a six-week period in late 2015, according to a report by Belgian magazine Moustique. William, who was drawn to the site by rumors the ore was nearly 25 percent cobalt, said the total number of dead was many multiples of that.

In the Congolese capital of Kinshasa, behind the reflecting windows of the BGFI bank, the Kabila family has built its most sophisticated investment: the country branch of a Gabon-based banking group.
BGFI in Congo is dominated by the presidential family. When the lender set up in the country in 2010, Kabila’s sister Gloria Mteyu took a 40 percent stake, then worth $10 million, according to company registration documents from that year. Gabon-based Groupe BGFI Bank SA, which has ventures in 11 countries, holds 60 percent.
In 2014, BGFI in Congo recapitalized, raising its share capital to $38 million, and Gloria maintained her 40 percent shareholding, according to corporate records from that year, the most recent available. Last December, the bank had $374 million in assets, making it Congo’s sixth-biggest lender. Gloria also has a stake in a new banking venture via a stake in Kwanza Capital, shareholding records show. BGFI loaned Kwanza $3.45 million in April, according to a term sheet reviewed by Bloomberg.

Models parade on the catwalk on July 26, 2013, on the first of three days of the first Fashion Week in Kinshasa.
Photographer: Aziz Tutondele/AFP via Getty Images

A 32-year-old fashion designer, Gloria said in a telephone interview that she returned to Congo in 2012 to launch Kinshasa Fashion Week after studying in New York, Milan and Paris.
Asked about her businesses, she said she was a private person and didn’t want to talk about ventures that weren’t related to fashion. She said she didn’t have a stake in BGFI. 
At a November press conference in Kinshasa, though, Abdel Kader Diop, deputy managing director of the Congo unit, said Gloria was a shareholder. An outside spokesman for BGFI in Gabon said the chief executive officer of the bank was too busy to comment for this story. 

BGFI’s Gabonese parent hired PricewaterhouseCoopers to audit BGFI in 2015. The audit found that the Congolese bank had failed to follow internal controls 19 times and paid middlemen for business without knowing who would ultimately receive the funds.
Jean-Jacques Lumumba, head of credit at the bank, found suspicious transactions soon after he started working there in 2014.
Lumumba discovered that the nation’s central bank—which isn’t allowed to make commercial loans—had lent a food distribution company $43 million and transferred the money to an account at BGFI. The food company’s incorporation documents show that it’s run by business partners of President Kabila, whose brother Selemani is the bank’s CEO.
Lumumba said he confronted Selemani in his boss’s office, where he found him sitting in front of a photo of Kabila and another of Selemani with some of the men involved in the transaction.

Selemani stared at him for a moment, then leaned back in his chair, allowing his jacket to fall behind the dark hilt of a pistol protruding from his pants. “Are you making problems for me?” Lumumba recalled him yelling. “You know I will deal with you if I have to. Just do as I tell you.” 
BGFI said in a statement that it has extended credit to the company but that the central bank never made such a loan. Reached on his mobile phone, Selemani hung up before he could be asked any questions. The central bank and the trading company also said no such loan was made, even though a record of the transfer is reflected in the bank statements that Lumumba, 30, took with him when he later fled Congo with his wife and children.
Reflecting on the U.S. penalties against Congolese military leaders, Lumumba contends they won’t hit those who are really keeping Kabila in power: the network of people running the private businesses of the family. “The U.S. is putting sanctions on the generals,” he says. “That won’t make a difference. If you want Kabila to pay attention, you have to target the financiers.”

Franz Wild is a Bloomberg News reporter in London, Thomas Wilson reports for Bloomberg News in Kinshasa. Michael Kavanagh’s reporting was funded in part by the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting and in part by New York University’s Congo Research Group"


# Si haut que l'on soit placé, on n'est jamais assis que sur son cul #
# Que faisait Dieu avant la création ? De toute éternité, il préparait d'épouvantables supplices pour celui qui poserait cette question. #

Revenir en haut Aller en bas


Message  ndonzwau le 22/12/2016, 10:32 pm

"RDC : Jean-Jacques Lumumba, le lanceur d’alerte dont le clan Kabila se serait bien passé, se confie
° http://www.jeuneafrique.com/386150/politique/rdc-jean-jacques-lumumba-lanceur-dalerte-dont-clan-kabila-se-serait-bien-passe-se-confie/
° http://www.jeuneafrique.com/videos/386304/interview-exclusive-de-jean-jacques-lumumba/
Le petit-neveu du héros de l'indépendance congolaise, Patrice Lumumba, ancien cadre de banque à l'origine de l'affaire BGFI, a accordé une interview exclusive à Jeune Afrique.

Pour rencontrer Jean-Jacques Lumumba, il faut se plier à une procédure digne d’un film d’espionnage. Contact par des intermédiaires, rendez-vous fixés dans des lieux publics… Et lorsque qu’il finit par apparaître en chair et en os, quelque part en région parisienne, il refuse de livrer la moindre information sur son actuel lieu de résidence et son statut légal en Europe.
Même à des milliers de kilomètres de Kinshasa, sa ville natale, le petit-neveu du héros de l’indépendance congolaise, Patrice Lumumba, se comporte en homme traqué. C’est le cas depuis son arrivée en Europe, l’été dernier, et plus encore depuis le 29 octobre.

Ce jour-là, ses compatriotes découvrent son visage à la Une du quotidien belge Le Soir. Il a à peine trente ans, même si sa barbe dépigmentée le vieillit.

Documents compromettants

La raison de cette célébrité soudaine ? Cet ancien chef du département des engagements de la banque BGFI à Kinshasa venait de remettre des dizaines de documents internes compromettants à des journalistes belges.
Ces documents viennent à l’appui de ses accusations d’irrégularités de la part de la banque et de plusieurs de ses clients, souvent proches du président Joseph Kabila, comme les dirigeants de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (Céni) ou encore le patron des patrons congolais, Albert Yuma. Le directeur général de la BGFI RD Congo, Francis Selemani Mtwale, est lui-même un « presque frère » du chef de l’État : il aurait été adopté par le père de ce dernier, l’ancien président Laurent-Désiré Kabila.
Tous ont démenti les accusations du Soir. Mais aux yeux de Jean-Jacques Lumumba, leurs arguments ne sont pas convaincants, comme il l’explique à Jeune Afrique dans une interview vidéo exclusive :

Interview exclusive de Jean-Jacques Lumumba par Jeuneafriquetv

Ennemi du régime Kabila

Comment Jean-Jacques Lumumba en est-il arrivé à devenir lanceur d’alerte ? Il y a, chez lui, un mélange de convictions et d’idéaux ; de désaccords, y compris sur le plan de sa rémunération, avec son ancien employeur ; de maladies dues au stress de son travail, qui lui ont valu plusieurs arrêts ; et enfin d’ambition. Mais, comme il l’explique, c’est surtout la crainte que l’on lui fasse porter le chapeau pour les irrégularités dont il a été témoin qui l’a poussé à agir.
Aujourd’hui, Jean-Jacques Lumumba ne perd plus une occasion de taper sur le régime Kabila, que ce soit sur les réseaux sociaux ou dans des articles de presse, comme dans la grande enquête que Bloomberg vient de consacrer à la fortune du clan présidentiel.
A-t-il des ambitions politiques ? Non, assure-t-il : il veut continuer de travailler dans la finance. Tant que le président Kabila sera en place, il lui sera difficile de retourner exercer dans son pays."

° http://www.jeuneafrique.com/mag/371863/politique/rd-congo-jean-jacques-lumumba-lanceur-dalerte-gene-bgfi-bank-lentourage-de-kabila/
° http://www.jeuneafrique.com/370468/politique/rdc-lumumba-papers-eclaboussent-bgfi-bank-lentourage-de-kabila/

"Jean-Jacques Lumumba, banquier congolais exilé et dénonciateur du système Kabila
° http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2016/12/22/jean-jacques-lumumba-banquier-congolais-exile-et-denonciateur-du-systeme-kabila_5053068_3212.html
En s’opposant à des manipulations bancaires, ce descendant du premier ministre assassiné, Patrice Lumumba, s’était attiré les foudres du pouvoir à Kinshasa.

En ce mois de décembre, le train de banlieue fend le brouillard et stoppe dans une gare sans âme de la banlieue d’une grande ville du cœur de l’Europe. Température négative, ciel bas et lourd, une ambiance grise d’où émerge une silhouette élancée qui requiert de ne pas citer le lieu où nous le rencontrons. C’est la prudence d’un banquier contraint, en juin, de fuir son pays, la République démocratique du Congo, après avoir refusé de couvrir ce qu’il dénonce comme des malversations financières dans l’entourage du président Joseph Kabila.

Quelques semaines auparavant, il avait en effet découvert d’étranges opérations bancaires au sein de la filiale congolaise de la BGFI. Jean-Jacques Lumumba avait intégré cet établissement en 2012, avec enthousiasme. La réputation de la banque, son implantation internationale et son réseau semblaient alors des gages de sérieux. En 2016, à peine trentenaire, il avait été promu directeur des engagements avec un confortable salaire à la clé. Son parcours suit l’évolution de l’établissement. En quelques années, la BGFI s’est fait une place dans la jungle bancaire congolaise, pointant dans le top 6 des établissements locaux. Au Congo, son directeur n’est autre que Francis Selemani Mtwale, un intime de Joseph Kabila dont la rumeur assure qu’il est son frère adoptif. Gloria Mteyu, la sœur cadette du chef de l’Etat, créatrice de mode et femmes d’affaires, porte 40 % des parts de la BGFI RDC.

Une ascendance prestigieuse

Jean-Jacques Lumumba n’est pas, non plus, un Congolais comme les autres. La légère dépigmentation qui barre le côté droit de son visage, blanchit son bouc et ses cils, donne au trentenaire d’un bon mètre quatre-vingt-dix, un aspect mystique. Mais c’est son patronyme qui le distingue. Patrice Lumumba, icône africaine de la décolonisation, premier premier ministre du Zaïre indépendant, assassiné en 1961, était son grand-oncle maternel. « Sa famille m’a élevé, entre Limete et Matonge, sourit Jean-Jacques Lumumba. Et du côté de mon père, nous avons des liens avec Simon Kimbangu [fondateur et prophète de la religion Kimbanguiste, une église chrétienne congolaise née au début du XXe siècle], je suis son arrière-petit-neveu ».

Un double patronage qui a guidé une enfance kinoise marquée par les descentes de police, le harcèlement des militaires de Mobutu Sese Seko, et le pillage des maisons familiales par des miliciens de Laurent-Désiré Kabila, craignant l’aura qui entoure encore le nom de Lumumba. Malgré cela, l’exil n’avait jamais fait partie de l’horizon de l’ancien élève de l’institut Jésuite Boboto, au cœur du quartier de la Gombe.
Ce sont finalement ses fonctions professionnelles qui le contraindront de s’enfuir. La BGFI est en effet une banque très politique qui héberge notamment les comptes de la Commission électorale nationale et indépendante (CENI). C’est cette institution qui, faute de moyens pour recenser l’électorat, a demandé au président de reporter l’élection présidentielle aux calendes grecques et fournit à la majorité présidentielle l’argumentaire pour que Joseph Kabila se maintienne au pouvoir après l’expiration de son mandat, ce 19 décembre.

L’étrange prêt de la CENI

Bien que disposant de moyens financiers non négligeables - au moins 55 millions de dollars en mai 2016, selon les documents consultés par Le Monde Afrique - la CENI a obtenu, en mai toujours, un prêt à la BGFI de 25 millions de dollars, au taux de 8,5 % par an, agrémenté d’une commission d’arrangement de 0,5 %, d’une commission de notification de 2,5 % et de frais de dossier de 1 %. L’opération est d’autant plus étonnante que la CENI est mise à l’index par la banque centrale congolaise pour des impayées auprès de fournisseurs. Cela devrait lui interdire le recours à des prêts et à des décaissements. Pourtant, dès la mi-mai, 2 millions de dollars sont prélevés par la banque. Entre mai et septembre, 7,5 millions de dollars sont retirés par trois questeurs de la CENI pour payer leurs agents.

Directeur du recouvrement, Jean-Jacques Lumumba assure s’être opposé à ce prêt et aux décaissements qui ont suivi. « Cela a été le début de mes problèmes. Ces prêts et ces retraits étaient illégaux, en raison de la mise à l’index. C’est l’argent du peuple destiné aux élections qu’on me demandait de laisser passer ! J’ai alerté, en interne, mais le directeur général et son adjoint ont forcé l’opération et m’ont dit de l’assumer. »
Les pressions ont alors commencé. Francis Selemani et son adjoint lui demandent des explications sur cette opération et sur de précédentes remarques qu’il avait transmises au cabinet PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), auditeur de la banque. MM. Selemani et Diop n’ont pas répondu à nos sollicitations. « J’avais dénoncé l’étrange fonctionnement des comptes de certains clients, se rappelle Jean-Jacques Lumumba. Au moment où elles ne pouvaient plus honorer des prêts, le directeur général leur trouvait des fonds pour régler leurs engagements. Les prêts devenaient une façon de blanchir des fonds et de détourner de l’argent. J’ai compris qu’ils voulaient me faire porter le chapeau au cas où ces opérations deviendraient publiques. Alors comme j’avais des soucis de santé, je me suis mis en congé maladie. »

Une convalescence loin du pays, en Europe, où sa femme et ses jeunes enfants l’ont rejoint. Mais la pression ne retombe pas. « Les bruits qui me parvenaient de la banque étaient mauvais », raconte-t-il. Pour se protéger, Jean-Jacques Lumumba s’est donc ouvert à la presse. Celle de l’ancien colonisateur belge d’abord, le quotidien Le Soir, puis auprès des médias anglo-saxons, déclenchant en novembre un premier tourbillon médiatique.

Atteinte au secret défense

Au-delà de la CENI, d’autres opérations suspectes apparaissent. Les comptes de la Gécamines, l’ancien conglomérat minier public, ont été prélevés en deux fois de 2,7 millions de dollars pour des commissions portant sur le même emprunt. Autre exemple, un virement de la Banque centrale du Congo, sur un compte de la société de produits surgelés Egal, provoque un tweet rageur du directeur de cabinet adjoint du président Kabila. « Divulguer un des moyens du financement de la défense de son pays est une trahison. Le nom du héros national a été sali ». Est-ce à dire que la BGFI financerait, via un compte fictif, des achats d’armes alors que le pays est encore sous embargo de l’ONU ? (2) Contacté, M. Kambila n’a pas répondu à nos sollicitations. « Quand j’ai vu les réactions j’ai réellement pris la mesure de ce que j’avais découvert, souffle Jean-Jacques Lumumba. Et j’ai compris que je ne pourrais pas rentrer. »

Depuis, d’autres scandales ont explosé dans la presse anglo-saxonne. L’agence de presse Bloomberg a recensé les 77 sociétés, dont la BGFI, dans lesquelles la famille du président a des intérêts. Le New York Times lui a emboîté le pas. L’ancien banquier les suit depuis son exil, où il a repris des études de finances. « C’est une déferlante assez terrible, soupire un diplomate congolais, qui dénote l’état du système bancaire et judiciaire du pays ». Aucune enquête[/url] n’a été ouverte après les révélations de Jean-Jacques Lumumba, ni aucune procédure à son encontre depuis sa démission de la BGFI."


# Si haut que l'on soit placé, on n'est jamais assis que sur son cul #
# Que faisait Dieu avant la création ? De toute éternité, il préparait d'épouvantables supplices pour celui qui poserait cette question. #

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Message  ndonzwau le 9/1/2017, 1:49 am

""Comment Kabila a perdu près d’un million de dollars en payant le mauvais lobby à Washington!
° http://www.politico.cd/actualite/la-une/2017/01/08/kabila-a-perdu-plus-dun-million-de-dollars-payant-mauvais-lobby-a-washington.html
D'après le média américain Open Source Investigation (OSI), le Pouvoir de Kinshasa a engagé un lobby qui s'est finalement avéré très hostile au président élu Donald Trump, perdant au passage près d'un million de dollars américains.

D’après ce média américain spécialisé dans les investigations, la société américaine BGR,  spécialisée dans le lobbying et basée à Washington et le gouvernement congolais ont signé un contrat d’une valeur de 875 000 dollars US en septembre 2016.
« Dans une tentative désespérée de limiter les dommages causés par les sanctions américaines, le régime de Joseph Kabila a engagé la société de lobbying basée à Washington BGR Government Affairs en septembre 2016″, affirme le média américain dans un article publié sur son site (à lire ici en Anglais)

Citant le ministère américain de la Justice, ce média affirme que le contrat a été signé au nom du gouvernement du République démocratique du Congo par Barnabe Kikaya, conseiller principal diplomatique de Kabila. BGR et le gouvernement de la RDC « ont convenu d’une redevance initiale de 875 000 USD pour le travail jusqu’au 31 janvier 2017 ». Cliquez ici pour lire le document.

BGR Government Affairs fait partie du groupe BGR, l’un des principaux cabinets de lobbying aux États-Unis. « BGR est souvent embauché par les autocrates pour blanchir leurs régimes brutaux« , explique le média américain. Problème: BGR n’a pas pu livrer le service commandé par Kinshasa. 
En effet, toujours selon OSI, Ed Rogers, fondateur de la BGR et rédacteur de Washington Post s’est avéré par la suite être  l’un des plus féroces critiques de Donald Trump, président élu des Etats-Unis à la présidentielle de novembre dernier. Le lobbyiste engagé par Kinshasa est allé même jusqu’à affirmer que M. Trump était un « stupide menteur et raciste« , le traitant de tous les noms pendant la campagne électorale. A l’élection de Donald Trump à la présidence des Etats-Unis, Joseph Kabila se serait donc vu obligé de ne plus  compter sur  M. Rogers, relate  OSI. 

Au début du mois de décembre dernier, le gouvernement congolais  a créé une polémique en annonçant avoir engagé Cynthia McKinney, une ancienne parlementaire américaine, pour faire du « lobbying » en sa faveur à Washington. L’interessée avait fini par démentir cette information."

Kabila payed almost $1 million to the wrong Washington lobbyist
° http://www.opensourceinvestigations.com/dictatorship/kabila-payed-almost-1-million-wrong-washington-lobbyist/
The Washington-based lobbying firm BGR has failed to deliver for Joseph Kabila. In September 2016, BGR and the Congolese government signed a contract worth $875,000. Ed Rogers, BGR founder and a Washington Post writer has been one of Donald Trump’s fiercest critics. Kabila’s lobbyist has called Trump stupid liar and racist, described him as a combination of Jim Jones and Kim Kardashian, accused him of being Putin’s friend. Rogers’ friends in media and politics are Kabila’s toughest critics. Kabila shouldn’t count on Rogers – Sessions friendship.

 875,000 dollars from public funds to whitewash a brutal regime

In a desperate attempt to limit the damage caused by the US sanctions, Joseph Kabila’s regime hired the Washington-based lobbying firm BGR Government Affairs in September 2016. According to the US Department of Justice, the contract was signed on behalf of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo by Barnabe Kikaya, Kabila’s diplomatic senior advisor. BGR and the government of the DRC “have agreed to an initial fee of USD 875,000 for working through January 31, 2017”.

Click here to read the document FARA CONGO

Joseph Kabila is a dictator and dictators use public funds to pay for PR campaigns to justify their atrocities. BGR Government Affairs is part of the BGR Group, one of the top lobbying firms in the US. BGR is frequently hired by autocrats to whitewash their brutal regimes. Kabila’s major problem is that BGR has failed to deliver.
BGR chairman and co-founder is Ed Rogers, a “Republican mega-lobbyist” and a Washington Post writer. But, in addition to being a lobbyist, a Republican strategist and a Post blogger, Ed Rogers has also been one of Donald Trump’s fiercest critics. And, unfortunately for Ed Rogers’ clients, Donald Trump has won the presidential election.

Kabila’s lobbyist on Trump: stupid, liar, racist

Ed Rogers has used his Washington Post blog and his authority as a Republican political consultant to carry out some of the most violent attacks against Donald Trump, his family, campaign staff and supporters.
Rogers called Trump stupid (“too much of what he says makes no sense”, “he can’t filter what he says, he blurts out lies, and conspiracy fester in his mind”). Rogers called Trump a liar, talking about “Trump’s willingness or downright eagerness to avoid the truth” and concluding that “it’s clear that in Trump’s World, you’re expected to lie”. Rogers called Trump and his Southern supporters racists (“there is a racist appeal to Trump’s candidacy”, “Trump was sending a direct signal to racist voters”).

Rogers described Trump’s family role in the campaign as a “traveling family roadshow” and expressed concerns about transforming the presidency into “a family enterprise”. Rogers described Trump as incapable of being Presidential (“Trump can’t deliver”; “Trump is too flawed to seize the moment”, “Trump should not be considered a viable candidate for president of the United States”). Rogers asked Trump to “hide for a couple of weeks” and called on Republicans to abandon Trump (“soon Republicans may have the choice of going down with the ship or trying to decouple from the Trump campaign”).

Putin’s friend, a combination of Jim Jones and Kim Kardashian

Donald Trump is to politics what Kim Kardashian is to entertainment” – Rogers wrote on 24 August 2015, arguing that “having to articulate coherent policy proposals is a buzzkill for the Trump movement”.
On 14 June 2016, Rogers compared Trump with Jim Jones, the cult leader who led more than 900 followers in a mass suicide known as the Jonestown Massacre. (“Trump sounds like Jim Jones. Just add sunglasses and a little more slurred speech, and the similarities would be vivid”).
On July 27, Rogers accused Trump of being “Vladimir Putin’s friend”, and blamed him for “using Putin’s assets to spy on Trump critics”. In Rogers’ view “it is perfectly plausible Trump would turn to the Russians for information”. Kabila’s lobbyist imagined a “plausible and scary scenario” in which “one of Trump’s children goes to Moscow trying to raise capital or seal a deal and an extra envelope, containing the latest revelations that may be of interest to Dad back home, is handed over”. Rogers also accused Trump’s associates of “having ties to the Kremlin” and concluded that “there is enough evidence to suggest there is some collusion”.

Rogers’ connections worked against Kabila

Obviously his lobbyist’s anti-Trump campaign didn’t work in favour of Joseph Kabila. What about Ed Rogers’ media and political connections?
Washington Post was accused in the past of allowing opinion writer Ed Rogers to advocate for the positions and interests of his lobbying firm’s clients. But, at least for the DRC’s current crisis, Washington Post’s good reputation stands. The Post has accused Joseph Kabila of engineering artificial delays in the election process to extend his stay in power, asked him to step down and called on President Obama to “act on Congo before it’s too late”.
It is a fact that Rogers has used his Washington Post column to advocate for positions favoured by his energy and transportation clients. However he has never even mentioned Joseph Kabila or the DRC.

As for Ed Rogers’ Republican connections, OSI has already shown that prominent Republican congressmen have urged US President to “expand the scope of sanctions” and initiate “additional judicial investigations into kleptocratic activity by top DRC officials”. http://www.opensourceinvestigations.com
In fact, both Évariste Boshab and Kalev Mutond, who were added to the US Treasury blacklist on 12 December, were mentioned in the bipartisan Congressional letter sent to president Obama on 1 November.

Kabila shouldn’t count on Sessions’ help

Now Ed Rogers is telling Joseph Kabila not to worry because Trump’s nominee for US Attorney General Jeff Sessions is “an old friend” and will stop all ongoing investigations into Kabila’ s associates.
What the lobbyist doesn’t tell Kabila is that in his anti-Trump campaign he also thrashed “his friend” Jeff Sessions. Rogers has called Sessions a “Trump surrogate” willing to “go out and tell lies”, and to excuse “Trump’s poor gasp of civics and the dangerous attributes he would bring to the presidency”.

Kabila’s second mandate expires on 19 December. We already know for sure that he will remain in office beyond his Constitutional term. We also know for sure that 875,000 dollars have been wasted. No one in Washington supports Kabila. Not even his lobbyist."


# Si haut que l'on soit placé, on n'est jamais assis que sur son cul #
# Que faisait Dieu avant la création ? De toute éternité, il préparait d'épouvantables supplices pour celui qui poserait cette question. #

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Message  djino le 11/1/2017, 2:31 pm

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